Sabtu, 24 Desember 2011

Lirik Lagu Loumina – Sudah


Susah untuk maafkanmu
Terus dan terus lakukan
Bohongiku, Hianatiku
Bersumpah palsu

Harus bagaimana lagi
Dari mana mulai lagi
Terus begitu
Selalu begitu (selalu begitu)
Ooo...hooo...

*reff
Sudah...Sudahi saja cinta
Tak ada lagi rasa
Tersimpan tapi jadi beban
Lelah sudah aku
Cinta cukup sampai disini

Harus bagaimana lagi
Darimana mulai lagi
Terus begitu
Selalu begitu

*reff
Sudah...sudahi saja cinta
Tak ada lagi rasa (rasa)
Tersimpan tapi jadi beban
Lelah sudah aku
Cinta cukup sampai disini (sudah sudah lah)
Ooo...ooo...ooo

Tiada lagi rasa (rasa)
Tersimpan tapi jadi beban
Lelah sudah aku
Cinta cukup sampai disini (cukup sampai disini)
Cinta sampai disini
Huuu...ooo...
Yeeey...yeeey

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Kamis, 22 Desember 2011

Film As Mass Media


Film began at the end of nineteenth century as a technological novelty, but what it offered was scarcely  new in context or function. It transferred to a new means of presentation and distribution and older tradition of entertainment, offering stories, spectacles, music, drama, humor and technical tricks for popular consumption.  As a mass media, film was partly a response to the ‘invention’ of leisure – time out of work – and an answer to the demand for economical and (usually) and usually respectable ways of enjoying free time for the whole family. Thus it provided for the working class some of the cultural benefits already enjoyed by their social ‘betters’. To judge from its phenomenal growth, the latent demand met by film was enormous; and if we choose from the main formative elements named above, it would not be the technology or the social climate but the needs met by the film for a class (urban lower-middle and working) which mattered most – the same elements, although a different need and a different class, produced the newspaper.
            The characterization of the film as ‘show business’ in a news form for an expanded market is not the whole story. There have been three other significant strands in film history. First, the use of film propaganda is noteworthy, especially when applied to national or societal purposes, based on its great reach, supposed realism, emotional impact and popularity. The practice of combining improving message with entertainment had been long established in literature and drama, but new elements in film were the capacity to reach so many people and to be able to manipulate the seeming reality of the photographic message without loss of credibility. The two other strands in film history were the emergence of several schools of film art (Huaco, 1963) and the rise of the social documentary film movement. These were different from the mainstream in having either a minority appeal or a strong element of realism (or both). Both have a link, partly fortuitous, with film as propaganda in that both tended to develop at times of social crisis.
            There have also been thinly concealed ideological and implicitly propagandist elements in many popular entertainment films, even in politically ‘free’ societies. This reflects a mixture of forces: deliberate attempts at social control; unthinking adoption of populist or conservative values; and the pursuit of mass appeal. Despite the dominance of the entertainment function in film history, film have often displayed didactic-propagandistic tendencies. Film is certainly more vulnerable than other media to outside interference and maybe more subject to conformist pressures because so much capital is at risk.
            Two turning points in film history were the coming of television and the ‘Americanization’ of the film industry and film culture in the years after the First World War (Tunstall, 1977). The relative decline of nascent, but flourishing, European film industries at that time (reinforced by the Second World War) probably contributed to a homogenization of film culture and a convergence of ideas about the definition of film as a medium. Television took away a large part of the film-viewing public, especially the general family audience, leaving a much smaller and younger film audience. It also took away or diverted the social documentary stream of film development and gave it a more congenial hone in television. However, it did not do the same for the art film or for film aesthetics, although the art film may have benefits from the ‘demassification’ and greater specialization of the film/cinema medium.
            One additional consequence of this turning point is the reduced need for ‘respectability’. The film became more free to cater to the demand for violence, horrific or pornographic content. Despite the liberation entailed in becoming a less ‘mass’ medium, the film has not been able to claim full rights to political and artistic self-expression, and many countries retain an apparatus of licensing, censorship and powers of control.
            A last concomitant of film’s subordination to television in audience in appeal has been its integration with other media, especially book publishing, popular music and television itself. It has acquired a certain centrality (Jowell and Linton, 1980), despite the reduction of its immediate audience, as a showcase for other media and as cultural source, out of which come book, strip cartoons, songs, and television ‘stars’ and series. Thus film is as much as ever a mass culture creator. Even the loss of the cinema audience has been more than compensated by a new domestic audience reached by television, video recordings, cable and satellite channels.

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Rabu, 21 Desember 2011

Broadcasting


Radio and television have, respectively, a seventy-plus and a forty-plus-year history as a mass media, and both grew out of pre-existing technologies – telephone, telegraph, moving and still photography, and sound recording. Despite their obvious differences, now wide in content and use, radio and television can be treated together. Radio seems to have been a technology looking for a use, rather than a response to a demand for a new kind of service or content, and much the same is true of television. According to William (1975, p.25), ‘Unlike all previous communications technologies, radio and television were system primarily designed for transmission and reception as abstract processes, with little or no definition of preceding content’. Both came to borrow from existing media, and most of the popular content forms of both are derivative – film, music, stories, news and support.
            Perhaps the main genre innovations common to both radio and television have been based on the possibility of direct observation, transmission and recording events as they happen. A second distinctive feature of radio and television has been their high degree of regulation, control or licensing by public authority – initially out of technical necessity, later from a mixture democratic choice, state self-interest, economic convenience and sheer institutional custom. A third and related historical feature of radio and television media has been their centre-periphery pattern of distribution and the association of national television with political life and the power centres of society, as they have become established as both popular and politically important. Despite, or perhaps because of, this closeness to power, radio and television have hardly anywhere acquired, as of right, the same freedom and the press enjoys, to express views and act with political independence.

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Senin, 19 Desember 2011

Print Media


The book        
The history of modern media begins with the printed book – certainly a kind of revolution, yet initially only a technical device for reproducing the same, or rather a similar, range of texts to what was already being extensively copied by hand. Only gradually does printing lead to change in content – more secular, particular and popular works (especially in the vernacular languages), as well as political and religious pamphlets and tracts – which played a part in the transformation of the medieval world. Thus there occurred a revolution of society in which the book played an inseparable part.
The early newspaper
It was almost two hundred years after the invention of printing before what we now recognize as a prototypical newspaper could be distinguished from the handbills, pamphlets and newspaper of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Its chief precursor seems, in fact to have been the letter rather than the book – newsletter circulating through the rudimentary postal service, concerned especially with transmitting news of event relevant to international trade and commerce. It was thus an extension into the public sphere of an activity which had long taken place for governmental, diplomatic or commercial purposes. The early newspaper was marked by its regular appearance, commercial basis (openly for sale), multiple purpose (for information, record, advertising, diversion, and gossip) and public or open character. 
            The seventeenth-century commercial newspaper was not identified with any single source but was a compilation made by a printer-publisher. The official variety (as published by Crown or government) show some of the same characteristic but was also a voice of authority and an instrument of state. The commercial paper was the form which has given most shape to the newspaper institution, and its development can be seen in retrospect as a major turning point in communication history – offering first of all a service to its anonymous reader rather than an instrument to propagandist or potentates.
            In a sense the newspaper was more of an innovation than the printed book – the invention of a new literary, social and cultural form – even if it might not have been so perceived at the time. Its distinctiveness compared to other form of cultural communication, lies in its individualism, reality orientation, utility, secularity and suitability for the needs of a new class: town-based business and professional people. Its novelty consist not in its technology or manner of distribution, but in its function for a distinct class in a changing and more liberal social-political climate.
The letter history of the newspaper can be told either as a series of struggles, advances and reverses in the cause of liberty or as a more continuous history of economic and technological progress. The most important phases in press history which enter into the modern definition of the newspaper are described in the following paragraphs. While separate national histories differ too much to tell a single story, the elements mentioned, often intermingling and interacting, have generally been factors in the development of the press institution to a greater or lesser degree.
The press as adversary          
From its beginning, the newspaper was an actual or potential adversary of established power, especially in its own self-perception. Potent images in press history refer to violence done to printers, editors and journalists. The struggle for freedom to publish, often within a broader movement for freedom, democracy and citizen rights, is emphasized. The part played by underground presses under foreign occupation or dictatorial rule has also been celebrated. Established authority has often confirmed this self-perception of the press by finding it irritating and inconvenient (although also often malleable and, in the extreme, very vulnerable to power).
            There also been a general progression historically towards more press freedom, despite major setbacks from time to time. This progress has sometimes taken the form of greater sophistication in the means of control applied to the press. Legal restraint replaced violence, the fiscal burdens were imposed (and later reversed). Now institutionalization of press within a market system serves as a form of control, and the modern newspaper, as a large business enterprise, is vulnerable to more kinds of pressure or intervention than its simpler forerunners were.
Rise of newspaper-reading public   
The extension of newspaper reach to the ‘masses’, beyond the circle of an educated elite or business class, is a familiar feature of press history in many countries, although the causes are disputed (Williams, 1958). Improved technology, rising literacy, commerce, democracy and popular demand all played a part and they largely coincided in their timing. Few countries experienced majority penetration by the newspaper until well into the twentieth century, and there are still large variation in rates of newspaper reading between countries at the same level of of development. In assessing the significance of the rise of the newspaper, we should distinguish between the growing market penetration of the commercial press (as a vehicle for advertising and entertainment) and the reading of the newspaper for mainly political purposes. The enhanced role of the newspaper in political movements or at times of national crisis is also a striking feature of press history.
The political press    
It is not surprising that the newspaper should often have been used as an instrument for party advantage and political propaganda. On common form of the newspaper was the party-political paper dedicated to the task of activation, information and organization. This type is now largely unknown in North America and has been in general decline else-where for some time (although alive once more in Central and Eastern Europe). The party newspaper has lost ground to commercial press forms, fun and has been able to appeal more readers more of the time. The idea of party press, even so, still has its place as a component in democratic politics. Where it does survive in Europe (and there are examples elsewhere), it is typically independent from the state (though possibly subsidized), professionally produced, serious and opinion-forming in purposes. In these aspects it is not far removed from the prestige liberal newspaper, but its uniqueness lies in the attachment of its readers by way of party allegiance, its sectionalism and its mobilizing function for party objectives.
The prestige press
The late-nineteenth-century bourgeois newspaper was a high point in press history and contributed much to our modern understanding of what a newspaper is or should be. The ‘high-bourgeois’ phase of press history, from about 1850 to the turn of the century, was the product of several events and circumstances: the triumph of the liberalism and the absence or ending of direct censorship or fiscal constraint; the emergence of a progressive capitalist class and several new professions, thus forging a business-professional establishment; and many social and technological changing favoring the risk of a national or regional press of high information quality.
The chief features of the new prestige or ‘elite’ press which was established in this period were: formal independence from the state and form vested interests; recognition as a major institutions of political and social life (especially as a self-appointed former of opinion and voice of the ‘national interest’); a highly developed sense of social and ethical responsibility and the rise of journalistic profession dedicated to the objective reporting of events. Many current expectations about what a ‘quality’ newspaper is still reflect several of these ideas and provide the basis for criticisms of newspaper which deviate from the ideal, by being either too partisan or too ‘sensational’.
Commercialization of the newspaper press
The mass newspaper has been called ‘commercial’ for two main reasons: it is operate for profit by monopolistic concerns, and its heavily dependent on product advertising revenue (which made it both possible and advantageous to develop a mass readership). The commercial aims and underpinnings of the mass newspaper have exerted considerable influence on content, in the direction of political populism as well as support for business, consumerism and free enterprise (Curran, 1986; Curran and Seaton, 1988). For present purposes, it is more relevant to see, as a result of commercialization, the emergence of a new kind of newspaper: lighter and more entertaining, emphasizing human interest, more sensational in its attention to crime, violence, scandals and entertainment, and having a very large readership in which lower-income and lower-education groups are overrepresented (Hughes, 1940; Schudson, 1978; Curran et al., 1981).
            While this way now appear to be the dominant (in the sense of the most read) newspaper form in many countries, it still effectively derives its status as a newspaper from the ‘high-bourgeois’ form (especially by claiming to give current political and economic information), although it is otherwise most clearly defined by its contrast with the prestige newspaper.

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Kamis, 15 Desember 2011

The rise of media


The aim of this article is to set out the approximate sequent of development of the present-day set of mass media – to indicate major turning points and to tell briefly something of the circumstances of time and place in which different media acquired their publics definitions in the sense of their perceived utility on role in society. These definitions have tended to form early in the history of any given medium and to have become ‘fixed’ by circumstances as much as by intrinsic properties as means of communication. As time has passed, definitions has also changed, especially by becoming more ‘complex’ and acquiring more ‘options’, so that it eventually becomes difficult to speak of a single, universally current and consistent definition of a medium.
          In summarizing the history and the characteristic of different media, as a further step typifying mass communication, a convergence on an original Western (European) form tends to be assumed. This does some violence to the diversity of media in the world, but can also be justified on grounds of the similarity of many global media phenomena.

          In the history of mass media we deal with four main elements: a technology; the political, social, economic and cultural situation of a society; a set of activities, functions or needs; and people – especially as formed into groups, classes or interests. These four elements have interacted in different ways and with different order of primacy, sometimes one seeming to be the driving force or precipitating factor, sometimes another.

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Rabu, 14 Desember 2011

The Mass Media Institution


Despite changing technology, the mass media phenomenon persist within the framework of the mass media institution. This refers broadly to the set of media organization and activities, together with their own formal or informal rules of operation and sometimes legal and policy requirements set by the society. These respect the expectation of the public as a whole and of other social institutions (such as politics, governments, law, religion, economics and religion). Media institutions have developed gradually around the key activities of publication and wide dissemination of information and culture. they also overlap with other institutions, especially as these expand their public communication activities. Media institutions are internally segmented according to type of technology (print, film, television, etc.) And often within each type (such as national versus local press or broadcasting). They also change over time and differ from one country another. Even so, there are several typical defining features, additional to the central activity of producing and distributing ‘knowledge’ (information, ideas, culture) on behalf of those who want to communicate and its response to individual and collective demand. The main features are as follows.
·       The media institutions is located in the ‘public sphere’, meaning especially that it is open in principle to all as receivers and senders; the media deals with public matter for publics purposes – especially with issue on which publics opinion can be expected to form; the media are answerable for their activities to the wider society (accountability take place via laws, regulations and pressures from state and society).
·       By virtue of their main publishing activity on behalf of members of a society, the media are institutionally  endowed with a large degree of freedom of economics, political and cultural actors.
·       The media institutions is formally powerless (there is a logical relation between this absence of power and media freedom).
·       Participation in the media institutions is voluntary and without social obligation; there is a strong association between media use and leisure time and a dissociation from work and duty.

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Selasa, 13 Desember 2011

Mass Communication Defined


The word ‘mass’ is itself value laden and controversial, and the term ‘communication’ still has no agreed definition – although Gerbner’s (1967) ‘social interaction through messages’ is too hard to beat. Nevertheless, there is sufficient commonality in widely held ‘common-sense’ perceptions to provide a working definition and a general characterization. The term ‘mass’ denote great volume, range or extent (such as a people or production, while ‘communication’ refers to the giving and taking of meaning, the transmission and reception of messages. One definition (Janowitz,1969) reads as follows: ‘mass communication comprise the institutions and techniques by which specialized group employ technological devices (press, radio, film, etc.) to disseminate symbolic content to large, heterogeneous and widely dispersed audiences’. In this and similar definitions, the word ‘communication’ is really taken to mean ‘transmission’, as viewed by the sender, rather than in the fuller meaning of the term which includes the notions of response, sharing and interaction.

            The process of ‘mass communication’ is not synonymous with the ‘communication media’ (the organized technologies which make mass communication possible). There are other common uses of the same technologies and other kinds of relationship mediated through the same network. For instance, the basic forms and technologies of ‘mass’ communication are the same as those used for very local newspaper or radio. Mass media can also be used for individuals , private or organization purposes. The same media that carry public messages to large publics for public purposes can also carry personal notice, advocacy messages, charitable appeals, situation-vacant advertise-ments and many varied kinds of information and culture. The point is especially relevant at a time of convergence of communication technologies, when the boundaries between public and private and large-scale and individual communication networks are increasingly blurred.

            Everyday experience with mass communication is extremely varied. It is also voluntary and usually shaped by cultures and by requirements of one’s way of life and social environment. The notion of mass (and homogeneous) communication experience is abstract and hypothetical; and where, on occasions, it does seem to become a really, the causes are more likely to be found in particular conditions of social life than in the media. The diversity of technology-mediated communication relationship is increasing as a result of new technology and application. The general implication of these remark is that mass communication was, for the beginning, more of an idea than reality. The term stand for a condition and a process while is theoretically possible but rarely found in any pure form. It is an example of what the sociologist Mark Weber called an ‘ideal-type’ – a concept which accentuates key elements of an empirically occurring reality. Where it does seem to occur, it turns out to be less massive, and less technologically determined, than appears on the surface.

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